Surviving the 'mock interview': challenges to political communicative competence in contemporary televised discourse
Michal Hamo, Zohar Kampf and Limor Shifman
Media Culture Society 2010 32: 247
DOI: 10.1177/0163443709355609
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Abstract
In recent years, political communication scholars have been paying growing attention to new television genres blending entertainment and politics (Baym, 2005; Corner and Pels, 2003; Van Zoonen, 2005). A key dilemma driving these studies touches upon the consequences of political entertainment for the democratic process and the nature of the public sphere. However, less attention has been given to the implications of these shows from the perspective of political actors themselves. Our main aims in the present study are to map the challenges politicians face in the new television environment, and to explore the strategies they develop in order to address them successfully. In this analysis, we highlight the concept of communicative competence as a productive framework for understanding politicians’ performance in new types of televised interactions. We use the case study of the ‘mock interview’ genre as a site where the challenges are visible, the stakes are high, and sophisticated discursive strategies are called for.
At the outset, we briefly review trends in mediatized politics and discuss their manifestations in genres of televised political talk. We then portray the main features of the ‘mock interview’ genre, and some of its possible social/political implications. In the next section, we introduce the concept of communicative competence and apply it in mapping the main political marketing and discursive challenges that politicians face in contemporary genres, and specifically the mock interview. We then empirically examine the coping strategies of political actors with these challenges, using examples from two shows: The Israeli The Great Pini Show and the British/American Da Ali G Show. We draw on discourse analytical tools to present a typology of strategies, which demonstrates the importance of communicative competence to successful media performance. We conclude by considering the broader implications of our case study for political actors and, therefore, for the democratic process as a whole.
Conclusions
In this study we highlighted communicative competence as a key concept for understanding politicians’ appearances in contemporary television genres – particularly in light of the growing prominence of conversational and interactional formats. Conceptualized as an interface between macro- and micro-aspects, communicative competence allows for integrating attention to the details of actual interactions with a broad analysis of trends in political communication. We argue that in order to fully understand politicians’ use of discursive strategies such as humor, shifts in register and slang, it must be examined vis-a-vis the challenges of visibility and image management in contemporary mediated politics. At the same time, attention to the specifics of language use is a crucial component in documenting politicians’ persona-building and marketing projects.
Our analysis of politicians’ performance in mock interviews revealed two pivotal components of communicative competence: awareness and cooperation. Awareness incorporates two aspects: context-sensitivity, i.e. the ability to fully understand the constraints and affordances of the specific genre and situation, and self-monitoring – the ongoing reflection on one’s behavior and its impact on public image. Cooperation is the degree to which politicians align with the style and framing set by interviewers. It becomes a central variable for the analysis of current genres, in which the relationship and balance of power between politicians and the media are no longer pre-determined but rather open for negotiation and construction.
We found that success is based on a high level of awareness, which allows interviewees to fine-tune their level of cooperation and fully exploit the affordances of the genre for promoting their images. While a high level of awareness is necessary, the degree of cooperation may vary by genre and political interest. In mock interviews, the optimal level of cooperation is moderate – that is, playing along with the entertaining game as long as it does not threaten the politician’s desired image. In other cases, politicians may deliberately choose not to cooperate, for instance, in catering for counter-publics. The specific modules of intersection between awareness and cooperation in various genres and of different political actors merit attention in future research.
Another line of further research may focus on the relationship between the discursive behavior of politicians and variables that impact access to the media and media coverage. Access to the televisual arena is a valuable resource, influenced by a number of variables including seniority, prestige, the scope of political activity and charisma (Sheafer, 2001). For example, in discussing the promises and pitfalls of the mock interview, it is important to note that senior politicians may avoid its challenges altogether, as their standing provides them with easy access to traditional mainstream programs. In contrast, junior politicians may have no choice but to enter the minefield of the mock interview. On top of the immediate threats and challenges discussed above, politicians who participated in a mock interview at an early stage of their political career might pay a painful price for it in the long term, once they have moved up the political ladder: even an initially successful performance may prove to be damaging when it receives later exposure out of its original context.
Finally, the present analysis of the mock interview may be taken as an additional contribution to the current debate over the implications of the rise of political entertainment to the democratic process. Recent studies of cases such as The Daily Show suggest that traditional genres are no longer effective in promoting political engagement, knowledge and critical discussion. By comparison, new genres of political entertainment are valued for their authenticity, commitment and relevance to young audiences (Baym, 2005; Corner and Pels, 2003; Feldman, 2007; Jones, 2005). By targeting young audiences and adopting a confrontational stance towards political actors, mock interviews share some of the features of these new genres. However, in their focus on style and performance, they also exhibit some of the major drawbacks of traditional political media. Accordingly, it could be argued that they do not offer an alternative to mainstream political genres, but rather exploit their characteristics to produce merely playful ‘mock challenges’. The differences between the various genres of political entertainment should be explored in future studies, including research on their different reception patterns, their contribution to political knowledge and their impact on attitudes towards the political process.
Michal Hamo, Zohar Kampf and Limor Shifman
Media Culture Society 2010 32: 247
DOI: 10.1177/0163443709355609
Abstract
In recent years, political communication scholars have been paying growing attention to new television genres blending entertainment and politics (Baym, 2005; Corner and Pels, 2003; Van Zoonen, 2005). A key dilemma driving these studies touches upon the consequences of political entertainment for the democratic process and the nature of the public sphere. However, less attention has been given to the implications of these shows from the perspective of political actors themselves. Our main aims in the present study are to map the challenges politicians face in the new television environment, and to explore the strategies they develop in order to address them successfully. In this analysis, we highlight the concept of communicative competence as a productive framework for understanding politicians’ performance in new types of televised interactions. We use the case study of the ‘mock interview’ genre as a site where the challenges are visible, the stakes are high, and sophisticated discursive strategies are called for.
At the outset, we briefly review trends in mediatized politics and discuss their manifestations in genres of televised political talk. We then portray the main features of the ‘mock interview’ genre, and some of its possible social/political implications. In the next section, we introduce the concept of communicative competence and apply it in mapping the main political marketing and discursive challenges that politicians face in contemporary genres, and specifically the mock interview. We then empirically examine the coping strategies of political actors with these challenges, using examples from two shows: The Israeli The Great Pini Show and the British/American Da Ali G Show. We draw on discourse analytical tools to present a typology of strategies, which demonstrates the importance of communicative competence to successful media performance. We conclude by considering the broader implications of our case study for political actors and, therefore, for the democratic process as a whole.
Conclusions
In this study we highlighted communicative competence as a key concept for understanding politicians’ appearances in contemporary television genres – particularly in light of the growing prominence of conversational and interactional formats. Conceptualized as an interface between macro- and micro-aspects, communicative competence allows for integrating attention to the details of actual interactions with a broad analysis of trends in political communication. We argue that in order to fully understand politicians’ use of discursive strategies such as humor, shifts in register and slang, it must be examined vis-a-vis the challenges of visibility and image management in contemporary mediated politics. At the same time, attention to the specifics of language use is a crucial component in documenting politicians’ persona-building and marketing projects.
Our analysis of politicians’ performance in mock interviews revealed two pivotal components of communicative competence: awareness and cooperation. Awareness incorporates two aspects: context-sensitivity, i.e. the ability to fully understand the constraints and affordances of the specific genre and situation, and self-monitoring – the ongoing reflection on one’s behavior and its impact on public image. Cooperation is the degree to which politicians align with the style and framing set by interviewers. It becomes a central variable for the analysis of current genres, in which the relationship and balance of power between politicians and the media are no longer pre-determined but rather open for negotiation and construction.
We found that success is based on a high level of awareness, which allows interviewees to fine-tune their level of cooperation and fully exploit the affordances of the genre for promoting their images. While a high level of awareness is necessary, the degree of cooperation may vary by genre and political interest. In mock interviews, the optimal level of cooperation is moderate – that is, playing along with the entertaining game as long as it does not threaten the politician’s desired image. In other cases, politicians may deliberately choose not to cooperate, for instance, in catering for counter-publics. The specific modules of intersection between awareness and cooperation in various genres and of different political actors merit attention in future research.
Another line of further research may focus on the relationship between the discursive behavior of politicians and variables that impact access to the media and media coverage. Access to the televisual arena is a valuable resource, influenced by a number of variables including seniority, prestige, the scope of political activity and charisma (Sheafer, 2001). For example, in discussing the promises and pitfalls of the mock interview, it is important to note that senior politicians may avoid its challenges altogether, as their standing provides them with easy access to traditional mainstream programs. In contrast, junior politicians may have no choice but to enter the minefield of the mock interview. On top of the immediate threats and challenges discussed above, politicians who participated in a mock interview at an early stage of their political career might pay a painful price for it in the long term, once they have moved up the political ladder: even an initially successful performance may prove to be damaging when it receives later exposure out of its original context.
Finally, the present analysis of the mock interview may be taken as an additional contribution to the current debate over the implications of the rise of political entertainment to the democratic process. Recent studies of cases such as The Daily Show suggest that traditional genres are no longer effective in promoting political engagement, knowledge and critical discussion. By comparison, new genres of political entertainment are valued for their authenticity, commitment and relevance to young audiences (Baym, 2005; Corner and Pels, 2003; Feldman, 2007; Jones, 2005). By targeting young audiences and adopting a confrontational stance towards political actors, mock interviews share some of the features of these new genres. However, in their focus on style and performance, they also exhibit some of the major drawbacks of traditional political media. Accordingly, it could be argued that they do not offer an alternative to mainstream political genres, but rather exploit their characteristics to produce merely playful ‘mock challenges’. The differences between the various genres of political entertainment should be explored in future studies, including research on their different reception patterns, their contribution to political knowledge and their impact on attitudes towards the political process.
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