Internet in the Daily Life of Journalists: Explaining the use of the Internet by Work-Related Characteristics and Professional Opinions
Liesbeth Hermans Maurice Vergeer, Leen d’Haenens
Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 15 (2009)
doi:10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01497.x
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Introduction
Over the last 10 years there has been much debate about the impact of the rise of the Internet and other digital technologies on traditional news media, such as newspapers. The influence of the Internet on news reporting is often formulated in terms of threats to existing, traditional journalism, as well as new opportunities for revitalizing journalistic routines. One dominant focus in earlier studies is the technology-driven approach. These studies (e.g., Pavlik, 2000) suggest that news content is crucially determined by the available technologies. Hence, changes in journalism can be explained predominantly by technological developments. Despite their valuable insights, these earlier studies contributed little to our understanding of how adoption processes of digital technologies may evolve in different user-contexts (Boczkowski, 2004). Amore fruitful approach in this respect stems from the integrated perspective of social constructivism. Here, the adoption of innovations is seen as a complex interaction process between professional, organizational, and economic factors (Boczkowski, 2004; Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). With this in mind, the role of social context factors, such as working conditions, workplace organization, and professional values, should be taken into consideration when studying the adoption of technological innovations in news media. So far, and despite the growing body of research on these social context factors shaping the impact of digital technology in journalism, the majority of the existing research is based upon small samples of journalists working with one platform only (often within online newsrooms) (Paulussen & Ugille, 2008; Thurman, 2008), or concentrates on either organizational structures or professional attitudes (Boczkowski, 2004; Singer, 2004). Our study is an attempt to examine how the use of Internet applications by journalists working in mainstream news media is influenced by social context factors, such as background characteristics, work-related factors, and the perceived utility of Internet use as part of the daily journalistic routines. We suggest that implementation of technological innovations not only leads to changes in the daily routines of journalists, but also leads to redefining notions about themselves as professionals (cf. Deuze, 2004). Therefore this study also looks into the relation between journalists’ professional opinions about the impact of the Internet on journalistic values on the one hand, and their actual use patterns on the other. It adds empirical insights to the often more contemplative discussions of the impact of the Internet on journalism.
Although journalists may be seen as a homogeneous occupational group, they are not expected to use all possibilities provided by the Internet to an equal extent and for the same purposes. Earlier studies indicate that differences occur between journalists in terms of how, and to what extent they use the Internet in their daily work (Garrison, 2000; Hui-Ming, 2001; Niebauer, Abott, Corbin, & Neibergergall, 2000). Such research often results in descriptive analyses of how journalists use the Internet. However, further research into possible relations between context variables and differences in Internet use remains scarce (cf. Garrison, 2003; Maier, 2000).
This study focuses on the use of Internet applications by journalists in the Low Countries (the Netherlands and Flanders). First, we looked into the variety of Internet applications that journalists use professionally. Subsequently, taking into account background characteristics, work activities, media platforms, and professional opinions about the impact of the Internet on journalism, this study focuses on finding relations between social context variables on the one hand and the differences in the actual use of Internet applications on the other.
Conclusions
It seems that the perceived benefits of practical improvements are cogent enough reasons for journalists to use the Internet. This finding is in accordance with the assumptions formulated in the U&G approach. Journalists use Internet applications more often when they think the tool fulfills their needs to do their job. In this study this relation is exemplified in two ways: first, the expansion of new sources of information, and secondly, perceived improved efficiency.
Liesbeth Hermans Maurice Vergeer, Leen d’Haenens
Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 15 (2009)
doi:10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01497.x
Introduction
Over the last 10 years there has been much debate about the impact of the rise of the Internet and other digital technologies on traditional news media, such as newspapers. The influence of the Internet on news reporting is often formulated in terms of threats to existing, traditional journalism, as well as new opportunities for revitalizing journalistic routines. One dominant focus in earlier studies is the technology-driven approach. These studies (e.g., Pavlik, 2000) suggest that news content is crucially determined by the available technologies. Hence, changes in journalism can be explained predominantly by technological developments. Despite their valuable insights, these earlier studies contributed little to our understanding of how adoption processes of digital technologies may evolve in different user-contexts (Boczkowski, 2004). Amore fruitful approach in this respect stems from the integrated perspective of social constructivism. Here, the adoption of innovations is seen as a complex interaction process between professional, organizational, and economic factors (Boczkowski, 2004; Paulussen & Ugille, 2008). With this in mind, the role of social context factors, such as working conditions, workplace organization, and professional values, should be taken into consideration when studying the adoption of technological innovations in news media. So far, and despite the growing body of research on these social context factors shaping the impact of digital technology in journalism, the majority of the existing research is based upon small samples of journalists working with one platform only (often within online newsrooms) (Paulussen & Ugille, 2008; Thurman, 2008), or concentrates on either organizational structures or professional attitudes (Boczkowski, 2004; Singer, 2004). Our study is an attempt to examine how the use of Internet applications by journalists working in mainstream news media is influenced by social context factors, such as background characteristics, work-related factors, and the perceived utility of Internet use as part of the daily journalistic routines. We suggest that implementation of technological innovations not only leads to changes in the daily routines of journalists, but also leads to redefining notions about themselves as professionals (cf. Deuze, 2004). Therefore this study also looks into the relation between journalists’ professional opinions about the impact of the Internet on journalistic values on the one hand, and their actual use patterns on the other. It adds empirical insights to the often more contemplative discussions of the impact of the Internet on journalism.
Although journalists may be seen as a homogeneous occupational group, they are not expected to use all possibilities provided by the Internet to an equal extent and for the same purposes. Earlier studies indicate that differences occur between journalists in terms of how, and to what extent they use the Internet in their daily work (Garrison, 2000; Hui-Ming, 2001; Niebauer, Abott, Corbin, & Neibergergall, 2000). Such research often results in descriptive analyses of how journalists use the Internet. However, further research into possible relations between context variables and differences in Internet use remains scarce (cf. Garrison, 2003; Maier, 2000).
This study focuses on the use of Internet applications by journalists in the Low Countries (the Netherlands and Flanders). First, we looked into the variety of Internet applications that journalists use professionally. Subsequently, taking into account background characteristics, work activities, media platforms, and professional opinions about the impact of the Internet on journalism, this study focuses on finding relations between social context variables on the one hand and the differences in the actual use of Internet applications on the other.
Conclusions
It seems that the perceived benefits of practical improvements are cogent enough reasons for journalists to use the Internet. This finding is in accordance with the assumptions formulated in the U&G approach. Journalists use Internet applications more often when they think the tool fulfills their needs to do their job. In this study this relation is exemplified in two ways: first, the expansion of new sources of information, and secondly, perceived improved efficiency.
Furthermore, looking at journalistic values, such as credibility of Internet sources and accuracy of journalism, in relation to the rise of the Internet and journalists’ use of Internet applications, our results indicate that journalists’ ideas about the positive or negative impact of the Internet on journalism have almost no relation with their actual use of Internet applications.
First, regarding the perceived practical benefits of the Internet for journalists, there is a relation between the manner in which journalists estimate the usefulness of the Internet for finding new sources, informants, and also ideas for new stories on the one hand, and their actual use of Internet applications on the other. The diversity of accessible channels for obtaining useful information is continually expanding (Pavlik, 2001).
First, regarding the perceived practical benefits of the Internet for journalists, there is a relation between the manner in which journalists estimate the usefulness of the Internet for finding new sources, informants, and also ideas for new stories on the one hand, and their actual use of Internet applications on the other. The diversity of accessible channels for obtaining useful information is continually expanding (Pavlik, 2001).
Second, another functional improvement provided by the Internet is the apparent efficiency gain. Journalists experiencing advantages of Internet use in their daily work, such as time saving, improved accessibility, and speed, will also come to use Internet applications more often (cf. Grabowicz, 2003; Haas, 2006; Lasica, 2003).
We conclude that a positive experience with the Internet, improving daily news-gathering processes for fast-tracking new ideas, sources, and informants as well as perceived improved efficiency, affect how journalists use those Internet applications. Practical benefits are thus important enough reasons for journalists to adopt digital technologies.
The applications making use of more interactive and communicative characteristics such as blogs, web forums, instant messaging, Usenet, and chatting were only used occasionally up to now.
The applications making use of more interactive and communicative characteristics such as blogs, web forums, instant messaging, Usenet, and chatting were only used occasionally up to now.
A plausible explanation for this may be that it takes time for a large group of potential users to implement new technologies into their routine daily activities . Moreover, it is important to ask ourselves to what extent journalists will need to use these newer applications in the future. Not all new applications will succeed as a utility for journalists to the same degree. For instance, chatting is only useful when sources, informants, or colleagues also use it. Recent discussions about the changing role of the citizen in news reporting, e.g., civil and participatory journalism, as well as developments in the area of ‘‘user generated content,’’ indicate that a greater variety of news sources, as well as a shift in the hierarchy of sources, may change the nature of the news flow. In light of this, follow-up studies monitoring the extent to which journalists will assess the usefulness of these applications with user-generated content in the future are to be recommended.
Yet another important change in journalism due to the rise of the Internet, is the change in the workload of journalists (Bardoel, 2002; Deuze, 2002). Journalists are expected to be ever more flexible and multiskilled. Due to rigorous reorganizations, especially in the newspaper industry, instigated by declining subscription rates and increased competition by free news services (Bakker, 2008), efficiency and cost reduction are important issues in contemporary journalism. Changes in the daily newsroom routines often require new skills and procedures. This leads to a resocialization of the newsroom (Boczkowski, 2004). Journalists are increasingly expected to deliver products that meet the specific demands of the various types of media (cf. discussions about convergence and cross-media development in newsrooms) (Erdal, 2007).
Our study included work-related factors in order to take a closer look at aspects of the socialization process. Contrary to our expectations, activities that journalists perform and the type of media platform in which journalists work appear to have hardly any effect on the use of Internet applications. Regarding activities journalists perform, only reporters use Internet applications less frequently than others. As to the remaining activities journalists perform, no significant differences in Internet use were found. Even Internet-related activities, such as acting as a webmaster, did not lead to increased use. This indicates that journalist stick to very general patterns when using the Internet, due to their different specializations, and thus different requirements to carry out journalistic activities.
The type of medium in which the journalists work does not generally lead to significant variety in journalists’ Internet use. However, we do observe that journalists who produce content for websites and blogs use Internet applications more extensively. However, apart from the blogs, differences are minor. We conclude that there is hardly any differentiation due to the circumstances in which the journalists work. The assumption that newspaper journalists have more resistance towards digital technologies than journalists working at other media types (cf. Garrison, 2003; Singer, 2004) is not supported by our data. A possible explanation is that there are indications that specifically traditional media such as newspapers have recently caught up in the technological professionalization of their newsrooms. This implies that journalistic activities and tasks will be adopted and embedded further in daily practice (Erdal, 2007; Singer, 2004). As today the restructuring of traditional newsrooms into a multimedia environment is still taking place, possible consequences of this transformation may only become visible at a later stage. In the literature, authors indicate the question is no longer whether this transformation will take place, but rather how and at what speed (Erdal, 2007).
As mentioned in our introduction, studying the impact of changes in the news flow also involves rethinking the profession of journalism. As to the impact of the Internet, there is a concern that professional standards and values in mainstream journalism are changing for the worse (Grabowicz, 2003; Lasica, 2003). We looked at possible ways in which opinions about perceived impact of the Internet use on professional values (i.e. credibility and accuracy) really affect the actual use of Internet applications.
It seems that the credibility of easily identifiable Internet sources, governmental as well as nongovernmental, is unrelated to the actual use of Internet applications. Online information from these established sources is dealt with the same way as offline information. A perceived problem with Internet information in general is that it is sometimes considered hard to track the information’s origin, and thus evaluate the source’s overall credibility. Credibility of the news source as well as of the information itself is seen as important when deciding whether or not to use certain information.
Nevertheless, it appears from our study that the higher journalists estimate the credibility of Internet information in general, the less frequently they tend to use Internet applications. This is a puzzling result, because one would expect a positive relation between perceived credibility and actual use. Audience studies are inconclusive when it comes to showing positive as well as nonexisting relations between Internet use and perceived credibility (Johnson & Kaye, 2000, 2002; Kiousis, 2001). A possible explanation is that those journalists with a high level of trust in online information do not feel the need to verify the information coming from other online sources, in contrast to their colleagues who have a more critical approach to the Internet, and thus search additional sources for verification. Another explanation could be that journalists who use a greater variety of Internet applications have experienced the difficulties of evaluating information coming from unverifiable origins, such as news groups and news blogs. Therefore they perceive the Internet Information in general as less credible, as compared to their colleagues using fewer Internet applications altogether. This finding needs further exploration in in-depth follow-up research.
With regard to accuracy, no relation was found between perceived positive or negative impact of Internet use on journalistic accuracy on the one hand and the actual use of Internet applications on the other. This leads us to conclude whether or not journalists believe using the Internet is a threat for accuracy and their actual use, has no impact whatsoever on use.
We can conclude that in the year 2006, experienced practical benefits are a sufficient reason to adopt the Internet, as shown by the relationship between perceived utility and actual use (cf. Garrison, 2003). It seems that the Internet is a very useful tool for journalists and is incorporated extensively in daily journalistic practice. Individual variation in the use of Internet applications is not linked to work-related aspects or to background characteristics. The findings suggest that journalists’ opinions about the perceived impact of the rise of Internet on journalistic values have no relation to the extent and the ways in which journalists actually use Internet applications. Journalists’ critical stance towards the impact of the Internet on professional standards such as credibility and accuracy does not relate to their use of the Internet. Journalists who are more negative about the impact of Internet use on journalistic standards such as profundity and carefulness do not differ in their actual Internet use from colleagues with a more positive view on the matter. In all, these professional considerations do not seem to be directly involved in the use of the Internet in daily news practice.
Yet another important change in journalism due to the rise of the Internet, is the change in the workload of journalists (Bardoel, 2002; Deuze, 2002). Journalists are expected to be ever more flexible and multiskilled. Due to rigorous reorganizations, especially in the newspaper industry, instigated by declining subscription rates and increased competition by free news services (Bakker, 2008), efficiency and cost reduction are important issues in contemporary journalism. Changes in the daily newsroom routines often require new skills and procedures. This leads to a resocialization of the newsroom (Boczkowski, 2004). Journalists are increasingly expected to deliver products that meet the specific demands of the various types of media (cf. discussions about convergence and cross-media development in newsrooms) (Erdal, 2007).
Our study included work-related factors in order to take a closer look at aspects of the socialization process. Contrary to our expectations, activities that journalists perform and the type of media platform in which journalists work appear to have hardly any effect on the use of Internet applications. Regarding activities journalists perform, only reporters use Internet applications less frequently than others. As to the remaining activities journalists perform, no significant differences in Internet use were found. Even Internet-related activities, such as acting as a webmaster, did not lead to increased use. This indicates that journalist stick to very general patterns when using the Internet, due to their different specializations, and thus different requirements to carry out journalistic activities.
The type of medium in which the journalists work does not generally lead to significant variety in journalists’ Internet use. However, we do observe that journalists who produce content for websites and blogs use Internet applications more extensively. However, apart from the blogs, differences are minor. We conclude that there is hardly any differentiation due to the circumstances in which the journalists work. The assumption that newspaper journalists have more resistance towards digital technologies than journalists working at other media types (cf. Garrison, 2003; Singer, 2004) is not supported by our data. A possible explanation is that there are indications that specifically traditional media such as newspapers have recently caught up in the technological professionalization of their newsrooms. This implies that journalistic activities and tasks will be adopted and embedded further in daily practice (Erdal, 2007; Singer, 2004). As today the restructuring of traditional newsrooms into a multimedia environment is still taking place, possible consequences of this transformation may only become visible at a later stage. In the literature, authors indicate the question is no longer whether this transformation will take place, but rather how and at what speed (Erdal, 2007).
As mentioned in our introduction, studying the impact of changes in the news flow also involves rethinking the profession of journalism. As to the impact of the Internet, there is a concern that professional standards and values in mainstream journalism are changing for the worse (Grabowicz, 2003; Lasica, 2003). We looked at possible ways in which opinions about perceived impact of the Internet use on professional values (i.e. credibility and accuracy) really affect the actual use of Internet applications.
It seems that the credibility of easily identifiable Internet sources, governmental as well as nongovernmental, is unrelated to the actual use of Internet applications. Online information from these established sources is dealt with the same way as offline information. A perceived problem with Internet information in general is that it is sometimes considered hard to track the information’s origin, and thus evaluate the source’s overall credibility. Credibility of the news source as well as of the information itself is seen as important when deciding whether or not to use certain information.
Nevertheless, it appears from our study that the higher journalists estimate the credibility of Internet information in general, the less frequently they tend to use Internet applications. This is a puzzling result, because one would expect a positive relation between perceived credibility and actual use. Audience studies are inconclusive when it comes to showing positive as well as nonexisting relations between Internet use and perceived credibility (Johnson & Kaye, 2000, 2002; Kiousis, 2001). A possible explanation is that those journalists with a high level of trust in online information do not feel the need to verify the information coming from other online sources, in contrast to their colleagues who have a more critical approach to the Internet, and thus search additional sources for verification. Another explanation could be that journalists who use a greater variety of Internet applications have experienced the difficulties of evaluating information coming from unverifiable origins, such as news groups and news blogs. Therefore they perceive the Internet Information in general as less credible, as compared to their colleagues using fewer Internet applications altogether. This finding needs further exploration in in-depth follow-up research.
With regard to accuracy, no relation was found between perceived positive or negative impact of Internet use on journalistic accuracy on the one hand and the actual use of Internet applications on the other. This leads us to conclude whether or not journalists believe using the Internet is a threat for accuracy and their actual use, has no impact whatsoever on use.
We can conclude that in the year 2006, experienced practical benefits are a sufficient reason to adopt the Internet, as shown by the relationship between perceived utility and actual use (cf. Garrison, 2003). It seems that the Internet is a very useful tool for journalists and is incorporated extensively in daily journalistic practice. Individual variation in the use of Internet applications is not linked to work-related aspects or to background characteristics. The findings suggest that journalists’ opinions about the perceived impact of the rise of Internet on journalistic values have no relation to the extent and the ways in which journalists actually use Internet applications. Journalists’ critical stance towards the impact of the Internet on professional standards such as credibility and accuracy does not relate to their use of the Internet. Journalists who are more negative about the impact of Internet use on journalistic standards such as profundity and carefulness do not differ in their actual Internet use from colleagues with a more positive view on the matter. In all, these professional considerations do not seem to be directly involved in the use of the Internet in daily news practice.
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